The rapid growth in the assets of Campeche’s former governor should warrant an investigation into illicit enrichment.
Between March and June 2015, the Duartes had already been plundering their states’ coffers for years, but corruption scandals had yet to explode. While electoral processes were underway, few candidates disclosed their assets and interests on the 3de3 platform, which would later lead to a citizen initiative shaping the legislative agenda and revealing resistance within Congress to taking firm steps against corruption.
Amid the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies and gubernatorial elections in states like Michoacán, Guerrero, Sonora, and Nuevo León, the media paid little attention to the electoral process in Campeche, which “Alito,” as Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas is known, won as the PRI candidate.
Much was said about the young candidate and his “feats” in climbing the political ladder in just a few years. Alito had served as a federal deputy from 2003 to 2006, senator from 2006 to 2012, and again as a federal deputy from 2012 to 2015 before leaving his seat to run for governor of his home state. His political trajectory is documented in the Legislative Information System (SIL) of the Ministry of the Interior, as well as on his own campaign website (alejandromoreno.com).
The SIL not only reports the legislative profiles of deputies and senators but also includes information about their academic backgrounds. Since 2003, Alito’s profile in the system lists him as holding a law degree from the Autonomous University of Campeche. His campaign website and the PRI’s site also claimed this academic title between March and April 2015. However, despite the fact that all three SIL profiles maintain this information about his supposed alma mater, his professional license (number 7179397) identifies him as a lawyer from the René Descartes Institute of Higher Studies in Campeche as of 2011. A copy of Alito’s certificate from this institution shows that he attended between 2004 and 2007.
Yet the potential misrepresentation of his profession is not the only shadow hanging over the former governor. During his gubernatorial campaign, Alito reported on his website (still accessible and reviewed on January 17, 2017) that he owned 19 properties in the state capital, at least 10 of which are located on a private street in the Lomas del Castillo subdivision. Among other properties, he also listed a “reserved area” in the exclusive Lomas de Campeche neighborhood.
The unexplained wealth of a politician who, aside from his legislative roles, is only known to have held minor positions within the PRI before becoming a deputy in 2003 raises significant concerns. This is compounded by his own declarations of assets and interests submitted to the IMCO and Transparencia Mexicana as part of the 3de3 initiative, which are still available on the initiative’s website.
In his asset declaration, Alito only acknowledged owning 15 plots of land and properties under construction (not the 19 reported on his campaign website), totaling over 48,000 square meters and valued at more than 6.5 million pesos. All were purchased outright between 2012 and 2014, during his first two years as a federal deputy in the LXII Legislature, a role for which he reported annual earnings of 1.18 million pesos. This means the properties were worth nearly 300% of his legislative income. Alito also reported no commercial, financial, or professional activities in 2014 but did list income of over 4 million pesos from “other activities.”
In his declaration of interests, Alito stated he had no personal shareholdings in any companies but reported his father’s involvement in an industrial equipment trading business. He also acknowledged a 13-million-peso financial obligation resulting from agreements with an individual for construction projects. Additionally, he claimed his 15 properties generated income but did not specify amounts.
The discrepancies between what a former governor declares to the 3de3 initiative, what he reported on his campaign website, and his past misrepresentations about his academic credentials highlight a pattern of dishonesty. Such behavior contributes to the crisis plaguing the country, where public officials in opaque institutions oversee billions of pesos annually.
The National Anti-Corruption System faces challenges not only in implementation but also from political figures seeking impunity through strategic appointments. Now more than ever, citizens must question and follow up on the information revealed through initiatives like 3de3. The offense of illicit enrichment carries penalties of up to 14 years in prison, according to reforms to the Federal Penal Code introduced alongside anti-corruption laws.
Fostering a culture of accountability requires relentless questioning and demands for transparency from those entrusted with public funds. Such vigilance should not wait for scandals involving billions of pesos.
https://lopezobrador.org.mx/temas/layda-sansores
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